BOOK REVIEWS CITADEL

Sunday, November 8, 2009

INDO PAK WARS -1947-71-A STRATEGIC AND OPERATIONAL ANALYSIS

http://www.scribd.com/doc/21693873/Indo-Pak-Wars-1947-71-A-STRATEGIC-AND-OPERATIONAL-ANALYSIS-BY-A-H-AMIN

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Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."  --
Albert Einstein !!!

HISTORY OF PAKISTAN ARMY

http://www.scribd.com/doc/22151765/History-of-Pakistan-Army-By-A-H-Amin

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Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."  --
Albert Einstein !!!

Letters on Military Leadership and Intellectual Dishonesty in Army

http://www.scribd.com/doc/22275987/Letters-on-Miltary-Leadership-and-Intellectual-Dishonesty-in-the-army

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Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."  --
Albert Einstein !!!

Friday, November 6, 2009

Pakistan Army till 1965-By Major A.H Amin-17 August 1999-Title and Preface



--
Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."  --
Albert Einstein !!!

Thursday, November 5, 2009

The Shia you don't hear about By ANTHONY MANSUETO

 
About the author:

Anthony Mansueto is a philosopher, social theorist, and political theologian. He holds a Ph.D. in  Religion and  Society from the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley (1985) and is the  author of Spirituality and Dialectics (with Maggie Mansueto), Knowing God: Restoring Reason in an Age of Doubt, Religion and Dialectics, and Towards Synergism. His articles have appeared in the Journal of Religion and Filosofskie Nauki, Commonweal, and Tikkun. He has taught at colleges and universities in the United States and in Mexico, has lead interfaith dialogue and organizing efforts, and served as a senior advisor to key religious and political leaders both in the United States and internationally. He is currently an Academic Dean responsible for a cluster of humanities disciplines at Collin College just  north of Dallas. 

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<<...Ismailis were crucial in translating the Greek texts of Plato and Aristotle, which were lost to Western Europe, into Arabic. It was in this language that most were passed on, via Jewish translators in Muslim Spain, to Christian Europe. Ibn Sina (980-1037), known in the West as Avicenna, came from an Ismaili family. His text on medicine was used not only in the Islamic world but also in the West up until the 17th century, and his philosophy profoundly influenced that of Thomas Aquinas and thus the whole Roman Catholic tradition.

Ismailis established the great university of al-Azhar — one of the world's oldest, dating from 971 — and effectively built the city of Cairo, Egypt...>>


 

The Shia you don't hear about

By ANTHONY MANSUETO

Wednesday marks the Golden Jubilee of His Highness Prince Karim Aga Khan IV, global leader of the Shia Ismaili Muslim community.

At a time when the news is dominated by sectarian conflicts between Sunni and Shia Muslims in Iraq, the jubilee offers an opportunity to learn about a very different, little-known but quietly powerful current within Islam.

Like the vast majority of Iranians and a significant majority of Iraqis, the Ismailis are part of the Shia branch of Islam. Shiism emerged from an early dispute about leadership in the ummah, or Islamic community.

The Ismailis trace their own leadership from the seventh imam, Isma'il bin Jafar (721-755), and believe that the law, embodied in the Quran and the sayings and practices of Muhammad, is accompanied by a mystical teaching passed from one imam to the next. The current Aga Khan, who as a 20-year-old in 1957 succeeded his grandfather, is the 49th hereditary imam of the Shia Ismailis.

The Ismailis' belief in a deeper, mystical approach to the faith meant that they played an important role in the intellectual history not only of Islam but also, indirectly, of Europe.

Ismailis were crucial in translating the Greek texts of Plato and Aristotle, which were lost to Western Europe, into Arabic. It was in this language that most were passed on, via Jewish translators in Muslim Spain, to Christian Europe. Ibn Sina (980-1037), known in the West as Avicenna, came from an Ismaili family. His text on medicine was used not only in the Islamic world but also in the West up until the 17th century, and his philosophy profoundly influenced that of Thomas Aquinas and thus the whole Roman Catholic tradition.

Ismailis established the great university of al-Azhar — one of the world's oldest, dating from 971 — and effectively built the city of Cairo, Egypt.

Important beneficiaries of Ismaili patronage include the mathematicians al-Haytham and Nasir al-Din Tusi and the poet and philosopher Nasir e-Khusraw. Although I am not an Ismaili, I have an unusual connection to the Ismaili tradition.

My family comes originally from Sicily, an island that has known many conquerors — most of them brutal exploiters. But the era of the Ismaili Fatimids, who governed Sicily for much of the 10th and 11th centuries from their capital at Cairo, was Sicily's golden age. Agriculture, commerce, the arts, the sciences and philosophy flourished.

Today, the Ismailis are but a small minority of Muslims, numbering about 20 million out of roughly 1.4 billion Muslims and 120 million Shia worldwide, but their presence continues to be felt.

They are concentrated mostly in Central Asia, western China, parts of the Middle East, India, Pakistan and sub-Saharan Africa, as well as the United States, Canada and Western Europe. They are actively engaged in the struggle for social justice and human development.

They work locally, through active participation in civic institutions, and globally, through the Aga Khan Development Network.

The network is involved in an extraordinary range of activities from disaster relief, basic healthcare, rural development, microfinance and the promotion of private enterprise to architecture, culture and the revitalization of historic cities.

The organization operates more than 200 health centers, including nine hospitals, in Afghanistan, India, Kenya, Pakistan and Tanzania.

It is at the forefront of disaster relief efforts worldwide, focusing its humanitarian efforts on long-term capacity building. The network has been involved in microlending for more than 25 years — long before it became popular — and currently has a portfolio of more than $52 million in outstanding loans to more than 97,000 people in 12 countries. This is in addition to more traditional economic development projects involving more than 90 companies employing more than 30,000 people and generating more than $1.5 billion in revenue annually.

The network's education programs encompass more than 300 schools with 54,000 students across East Africa and South and Central Asia — most of which emphasize education for girls and women and focus on academic rigor and leadership development — as well as two universities: the University of Central Asia with campuses in the Kyrgyz Republic, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan and the Aga Khan University in Karachi, Pakistan.

One project especially dear to me is the Aga Khan Humanities Project, which developed an undergraduate humanities curriculum for Central Asian universities that tapped into and helped conserve local traditions while preparing students to engage a broader intellectual universe.

All of the network's hospitals, schools, development projects and humanitarian assistance programs are open to people of all faiths and origins.

The tension between Islam and the West reflects deep-seated economic, political and cultural contradictions. But when one looks at the Ismailis and understands their history, and their current contributions to human development and civilization, it becomes clear that relations between Islam and the West cannot be summed up simply as a clash of civilizations.

We have learned too much from Islam — and much of that with the assistance of the Ismailis.

Islam — and especially the Ismailis — has engaged and learned from the West. Let us make this century not one of new crusades but rather one of dialogue and collaboration in healing and building up our common home, the Earth. Let it be the time when we make it a true house of peace.

Anthony Mansueto holds a Ph. D. in religion and society from the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, Calif. He is dean of communications and humanities at the Spring Creek Campus of Collin College in Plano.

 




--
Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."  --
Albert Einstein !!!

Tuesday, November 3, 2009

Book Review: The Crescent and the Continent (City Journal)

 
Books and Culture
Jacob Laksin

The Crescent and the Continent

Christopher Caldwell explores how Islamic immigration has transformed Europe.
30 October 2009

Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam, and the West
by Christopher Caldwell (Doubleday, 432 pp., $30.00)

When the British government recently announced a plan to spend nearly $20 million to reassure "white enclaves" that they had nothing to fear from nonwhite immigrants, it was a tacit admission that much of the public harbored serious doubts about the virtues of immigration. This is not exactly news. Polls show that some 70 percent of Britons believe that there are too many immigrants in their country. Majorities throughout Western Europe agree, and Muslim immigrants in particular are viewed with suspicion. Though we're often told—not least by Europeans—that Europe has moved beyond such archaic notions as ethnicity, religion, and nationhood to embrace multiculturalism, the widespread concern over Islamic immigration suggests that Europeans have not made peace with the demographic changes reshaping their societies. What are those changes and how did they come about? More pressingly, what do they portend for Europe's future?

Reflections on the Revolution in Europe is Christopher Caldwell's effort to answer these questions. It is a judicious survey of mass immigration, specifically Muslim immigration, and its impact on Europe over the past half-century. Caldwell, a well-traveled columnist for the Financial Times and a senior editor at The Weekly Standard, is not the first to take up this subject. But his learned, levelheaded, and elegantly written study may be the finest and most insightful diagnosis of Europe's immigration woes to date.

In Caldwell's account, mass immigration in Europe was predicated on several assumptions, nearly all of them false. Needing cheap labor to fuel their expiring postwar industrial economies, Europeans assumed that the immigrants they turned to would be temporary; that they would not qualify for welfare; and that those who remained would assimilate and shed the cultural mores and habits of their home countries. The Europeans were wrong on all counts. When its textile mills and factories closed in the sixties and seventies, Europe was left with a vast, imported underclass with one tenuous link to its adopted countries: the welfare payments on which it had come to rely.

The demographic transformation was profound. Europe has always had immigration, but the scale of its midcentury influx was without precedent. And one group led the way. In the middle of the twentieth century, there were practically no Muslims in Europe; today, it is estimated, there are about 20 million, including 5 million in France, 4 million in Germany, and 2 million in Britain. Equally dramatic was the change in immigrants' economic fortunes. In the sixties and seventies, Germany's Turkish migrant workers actually boasted higher labor-force participation than native Germans did. Today, unemployment in Germany's Turkish community tops 40 percent—three times the national unemployment rate. Nor is Germany an outlier. Some 40 percent of Muslim immigrants in the Netherlands are on welfare, Caldwell reports, as are two-thirds of French imams.

Europeans bear much of the blame for this bleak state of affairs, Caldwell argues. In their shortsighted focus on the economic fruits of foreign labor, they never developed an effective strategy to integrate immigrants into society. Instead, they drove them apart with flawed public policy. Welfare is one example; the segregation of immigrant communities is another. In a fascinating chapter exploring the emergence of "ethnic colonies" in Europe, Caldwell considers the case of Bergsjön, a suburb of Gothenburg in western Sweden. Built in the sixties as a vacation retreat for working-class Swedish families, it had by 2006 become a dumping ground for immigrants from countries like Somalia. Cut off from the country at large, and with few job prospects in their area, 40 percent of Bergsjön's families are on welfare. Caldwell sees this as part of a destructive tendency in European countries to "warehouse immigrants" in places rejected by their own citizens.

Yet the immigrants themselves are far from faultless. One of the immigration debate's inconvenient truths is that Muslim immigrants have been so difficult to assimilate into European societies because they're unwilling: many Muslims simply choose religious ties over national loyalties. This hardening of religious belief is especially striking among younger Muslims. In the United Kingdom, for example, 74 percent of Muslim girls between the ages of 18 and 24 wear the veil, compared with 28 percent of women over 55. Even that can seem like progress alongside predominantly Muslim enclaves like Sweden's Rosengård district, where 90 percent of women—and, critically, their daughters—go veiled.

Even when young Muslims outwardly embrace European culture, they often continue to reject its values. In a 2007 study, the British think tank Policy Exchange highlighted that disconnect, finding that 31 percent of British Muslims felt they had more in common with the people of Muslim nations than with their fellow Europeans. More disturbing evidence that we cannot judge assimilation by its cover was provided by the failed July 21, 2005 London terror plot—an attempted follow-up to the July 7 subway bombings—in which four Muslim men tried to detonate homemade bombs made of hydrogen peroxide and chapati flour. The popularity of Pakistani food with British natives is sometimes taken as a sign of successful assimilation. But the fact that the plotters had used a Pakistani staple to make their shrapnel-packed bombs symbolized that such acceptance doesn't necessarily go both ways.

Faced with evidence of extremism in Muslim communities, European elites' typical response is to blame society for driving disaffected Muslims to lash out. Caldwell aptly describes this as high-minded "provincialism": a refusal to understand Muslims on their own terms. In this connection, he argues against the oft-heard claim that a lack of economic opportunity fuels the growth of religious fervor and radicalism in Muslim immigrant communities. He points to a 2007 German study finding that Muslims living in areas with lower unemployment actually had stronger Muslim identities. What's more, European Muslims seem more extreme than their counterparts in the Islamic world. Surveys show that Muslims in Europe dislike Westerners more than Muslims in Nigeria, Indonesia, and Turkey do. Thus does official guilt over Europe's failures, real and imagined, become a way to avoid reckoning with the specific problems of Muslim immigration.

In policy if not in principle, Europeans have been willing to recognize this. Whether it's the French ban on religious symbols in state schools (a measure that officially prohibits "visible" symbols but is enforced mainly for Muslim headscarves) or Danish marriage laws that make it difficult for native Danes to marry foreigners (an indirect way of preventing Muslims from bringing in foreign spouses, often through forced marriages), European governments have tried to curb the public influence of Islam, even as they disguise their intent. Caldwell writes favorably about such measures, but he also expresses reservations about their rationale. If Europe wants to challenge Islamic values, what values does it offer instead? It's all well and good to curb the more reactionary Islamic practices, but at some point Europe must offer its own affirmative vision. As Caldwell points out, "you cannot defend what you cannot define."

Where does that leave Europe? Disappointingly, Caldwell withholds direct judgment on that all-important question. Yet his book does suggest that Europe's current path is not the only one available. He points out that Denmark and the Netherlands have recently tightened their immigration laws, with no adverse impact on economic growth. Caldwell himself seems to lean toward the model of France's Nicolas Sarkozy, who has called for "immigration choisie," or selective immigration. The United States has followed that model to some extent, but the American experience is an imperfect guide for coping with Muslim immigration. As Caldwell acknowledges, the main reason that the U.S. has proven so successful in assimilating Muslim immigrants is that it has fewer of them: only around 2 million.

Caldwell is careful to avoid gloom-and-doom prophecy, but the portrait that emerges from his book is grim. Diverging birthrates are dramatically altering the composition of European societies. If current trends hold, between 20 and 32 percent of major European countries' populations will be of non-Western origin by the middle of this century. At that point, Europeans will have little choice but to confront the issues Caldwell raises in this valuable book. By then, it may be too late.
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--
Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."  --
Albert Einstein !!!

Sunday, November 1, 2009

Fwd: [Understanding Each Other, Diversity and Dissent] Prof. Rasul Amin-Obituary-B...







A great friend of mine , more than a father , more than a teacher,guide,mentor,confidant died in Australia yesterday.Rasul Amin was not a man but an instiution and his death is a loss not only for his friends , family and relatives but for Afghanistan,Pakistan and the entire West and Central Asian region.

A renowned Afghan political thinker and at a later stage of his life ,politician , a word that he did not like ,Rasoul Amin breathed his last yesterday morning in Australia. He was 72.

Born on May 10 1939 at Watapur in Kunar Province ,Rasul Amin was son of a prominent Khan and his mother was from Chitral.He got his primary education from Kabul and joined the Islamia College Peshawar in 1956.He did his B.A. from Islamia College, Peshawar, was elected as a General-Secretary of the students union, named Khyber Union,a unique , unprecedented honour for an Afghan student and got the colour of best debater in 1963. He completed his MA in political science from Peshawar University in 1966 and then pursued an illustrious career in teaching at the Kabul University where he rose to the post of chairman of department of philosophy and social sciences in May 1976.His illustrious academic career was interrupted in 1979 when he sought refuge in Pakistan.Many of his close relatives were Khalqi leftists and he also is said to have leftist sympathies but all this changed when he was placed under arrest by Hafeezullah Amin regime in May 1979 for a short time.He crossed into Pakistan from a remote mountain pass on foot on 4th January 1980 alongwith his family members , he told me in June 2004.




In Peshawar his political affiliation was Professor Gillanis National Islamic Front of Afghanistan.He initially worked with renowned Afghan intellectual Professor Majrooh in the Afghanistan Information Centre.






He founded WUFA , writers union of free Afghanistan on 21 March 1985.The idea was intellectual warfare against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Konard Adenauer Foundation (Germany), USIS, Asia Foundation (USA) Royal Ministry for foreign Affairs, Denmark financed all the WUFA and ASC activities. Director of Afghanistan Study Centre. In order to meet the requirements of new circumstances the Executive Body of Former Writers Union of Free Afghanistan (WUFA) drastically changed the wartime manifesto of the WUFA and replaced it by Afghanistan Study Centre (ASC) with a new Charter. Minister of Education in Interim Administration of Afghanistan, representing the Rome process initiated by H.M the Former King of Afghanistan.






His blunt views were not liked by many in the Afghan Government and his President Karzai was no exception to this.In 2002 he resigned his post of minister of education and decided to devote himself fully to the intellectual regeneration of Afghanistan and to Afghan Pak friendship.

Every evening and many times after lunch we met without a day of absence from 29 June 2004 till 15th April 2008 unless he was out of Kabul or in Australia.I saw in him a combination of Jamaluddin Afghani ,Francis Bacon and Mirza Ghalib .As the evening transformed into darkness Rasul Amin became somber and somewhat gloomy and the discussion always centred around the epic tragedy of Afghanistan.One day he told me he wanted to be buried next to Jamaluddin Afghanis grave in Kabul University.We differed over the Soviet and American invasions of Afghanistan.I thought that the American sabotage of Afghanistan sponsored by tinpot Zia and later Pakistani regimes was the real cause of the tragedy of Afghanistan and he differed.His first cousin Professor Dr Qasim Jamdar was a diehard Khalqi and so was his brother ,an accomplished Mig 21 pilot of the DRA.Finally when all was concluded with last drops of Stlichnaya or Grants drowned in we departed as immortal and eternal friends.

I state with immense pride that he selected me as editor of Journal Of Afghanistan Studies in June 2004.

Rasul Amin saw Afghanistan and Pakistan as conjoined twins and realised that friendship was the only way out of the Afghan Pak quagmire.His views were not liked by many at the highest position .However it appears that after many years now Afghan politicians realise that Afghan Pakistan friendship is the only way out of the present crisis.Let this be a vindication of his views and all he stood for.

Rasul Amins mortal soul has gone but his ideas are immortal and a source of inspiration for all who knew him or read him.May Allah bless his soul.

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Posted By Agha H Amin to Understanding Each Other, Diversity and Dissent at 11/01/2009 08:51:00 PM



--
Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."  --
Albert Einstein !!!